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Yemen’s Houthis just declared a blockade on Saudi Arabia’s ports — and opened a dangerous new front in America’s war with Iran

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Yemen's Houthis declared a maritime embargo on Saudi Arabia's ports, telling shipping companies not to use them, per New York Times reporting. The move pulls the group into the Iran-U.S. war and threatens Bab el-Mandeb, a Red Sea chokepoint carrying about a quarter of global container traffic.

Yemen’s Houthis Are Opening a Second Front in the Iran War - Yemen’s Houthi movement has moved closer to direct participation in the Iran war by declaring a maritime embargo against Saudi Arabia and threatening ships that use the kingdom’s ports. The escalation, covered in the latest New York Times reporting, places the group inside the wider confrontation between Iran and the United States.

The warning is broader than a threat to one waterway. In an email reviewed by Reuters, the Houthis told shipping companies not to load or discharge cargo at any Saudi port. Vessels that ignored the order could face targeting anywhere within the group’s operational reach.

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(September 24, 2021). The navys only forward deployed aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan (CVN 76) transits the South China Sea. Reagan is attached to Commander, Task Force 70/Carrier Strike Group 5 conducting underway operations in support of a free and open Indo-Pacific. (U.S. Navy Photo by Mass Communication Specialist 1st Class Rawad Madanat)

Houthi military spokesman Yahya Saree said the measure took effect immediately after renewed fighting around Sanaa International Airport. Saudi Arabia said its forces would protect commercial navigation. The Associated Press reported that approximately 12 percent of world trade normally passes through Bab el-Mandeb, including about one-quarter of global container traffic.

The timing creates a larger energy problem. Saudi Arabia has been sending more crude through its East-West Pipeline to Yanbu on the Red Sea to reduce exposure to the Strait of Hormuz. The U.S. Energy Information Administration says the pipeline can move 5 million barrels per day and can be expanded temporarily to 7 million. Analysts estimate that roughly 2.5 million barrels per day of current Saudi shipments could face disruption.

Iran Can Expand the War Through Yemen

Reuters reported on July 16 that Iranian officials had asked the Houthis to prepare for action at Bab el-Mandeb if the United States struck Iran’s power network. A source close to the group said missiles and drones had been moved near the strait. The reported Iranian request has not been confirmed publicly by Tehran or the Houthi leadership.

The Houthis also have their own reasons for confronting Saudi Arabia. They accuse Riyadh of maintaining restrictions on Yemen and blame the kingdom for an attack on Sanaa’s airport, although Yemen’s internationally recognized government said it ordered the strike. The threat to expand the confrontation around Bab el-Mandeb combines Iranian strategy with the unresolved Saudi-Houthi conflict.

That arrangement gives Iran another source of pressure while leaving room to dispute how much direction came from Tehran. A Red Sea campaign had already become part of Iran’s regional escalation options before the blockade declaration.

Saudi Arabia’s Hormuz Bypass Now Faces Red Sea Risk

The East-West Pipeline was supposed to protect Saudi exports from disruption in the Persian Gulf. Crude reaches Yanbu without crossing Hormuz, but tankers leaving the Red Sea for Asian markets normally pass through Bab el-Mandeb. Pressure at both ends of the Arabian Peninsula could reduce the value of the Gulf’s alternative export routes.

A blockade would force some cargoes around the Cape of Good Hope, adding distance, fuel expense, insurance costs, and sailing time. Earlier Red Sea disruptions caused sharp increases in container freight rates and delays, according to a UN Trade and Development assessment. The effects could spread beyond Saudi oil because Bab el-Mandeb supports container traffic between Asia and Europe.

Saudi Arabia can adjust destinations, use storage, and redirect some flows. Traders told Reuters that alternative routes could limit the immediate market impact. They cannot replace regular access through Hormuz and the Red Sea at normal cost.

A Partial Red Sea Disruption Could Be Enough

The Houthis demonstrated between 2023 and 2025 that a limited number of attacks can change commercial behavior across an entire route. The International Maritime Organization counted around 50 dangerous maritime attacks by May 2024, with seafarers killed or seriously injured. Its maritime-security resolution demanded an end to attacks on commercial shipping.

Red Sea traffic had not fully recovered before the latest announcement. Shipping companies now have to assess whether a call at a Saudi port could place a vessel on a Houthi target list. That uncertainty follows the same commercial-pressure model seen around Hormuz: warnings, isolated attacks, and insurance costs can reduce traffic without continuous control of every lane.

The Houthis face limits. Their drone inventory reportedly declined during earlier campaigns, and the Iran war has made weapons resupply more difficult. Saudi forces also have air defenses and the ability to strike launch sites. Simultaneous pressure on Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb still raises the economic stakes surrounding both chokepoints.

Saudi Arabia Faces a Decision on Escalation

Saudi Arabia spent years trying to end its direct war with the Houthis after the 2022 truce reduced cross-border attacks. A CSIS assessment of Riyadh’s position notes that the kingdom remains focused on economic development and has strong reasons to avoid another attritional campaign in Yemen.

The blockade threat could force a response if ships, ports, or oil facilities are attacked. Riyadh must protect Red Sea exports without allowing the confrontation to pull it fully into the U.S.-Iran war. Shipping emails, insurance notices, tanker schedules, and confirmed attacks near Bab el-Mandeb will show whether the declaration becomes an operational blockade.

About the Author: Harry J. Kazianis

Harry J. Kazianis (@Grecianformula) was the former Senior Director of National Security Affairs at the Center for the National Interest (CFTNI), a foreign policy think tank founded by Richard Nixon based in Washington, DC. Harry has over a decade of experience in think tanks and national security publishing. His ideas have been published in the NY Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, CNN, and many other outlets worldwide. He has held positions at CSIS, the Heritage Foundation, the University of Nottingham, and several other institutions related to national security research and studies. He is the former Executive Editor of the National Interest and the Diplomat. He holds a Master's degree focusing on international affairs from Harvard University.

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