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The United States May Have to Defend Hormuz and the Red Sea at the Same Time: The United States has concentrated a fleet of more than 20 warships and several hundred military aircraft in the Middle East to fight Iran, enforce a blockade, defend regional bases, and support commercial traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. Yemen’s Houthi movement could now require Washington to cover a second maritime front at Bab el-Mandeb.
The Houthis have declared a maritime embargo against Saudi Arabia and warned shipping companies not to load or unload cargo at the kingdom’s ports. A Reuters assessment of the U.S. force posture said Saudi Arabia had not requested American military assistance as of July 22, although President Donald Trump indicated Washington could respond if the group interfered with shipping.
About 12 percent of worldwide commerce and one-quarter of container trade normally pass through Bab el-Mandeb, according to an Associated Press account of the Houthi declaration. Saudi Arabia has also redirected millions of barrels of oil toward its Red Sea port at Yanbu to reduce exposure to Hormuz, placing that alternative route within reach of Houthi missiles and drones.
The United States can move ships and aircraft toward Yemen, but the same forces are already supporting operations against Iran. Additional American units are moving into the region, and several ships have operated beyond normal deployment timelines. Any Red Sea mission would compete for intelligence aircraft, escorts, air-defense interceptors, maintenance time, and crews.
The U.S. Navy Would Have to Divide Forces Across Two Chokepoints
Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb create separate operating problems. Iran threatens tankers with coastal missiles, mines, drones, and small maritime units around the Persian Gulf. The Houthis can target vessels moving between the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea from positions in Yemen. The declared Saudi blockade has already expanded the routes and facilities that require protection.
A previous Red Sea campaign shows the scale of the requirement. During its 2023-24 deployment, the Dwight D. Eisenhower Carrier Strike Group fired 155 Standard missiles, 135 Tomahawks, nearly 60 air-to-air missiles, and 420 air-to-surface weapons, according to the Navy’s official deployment record. Those expenditures helped defend ships and strike Houthi sites, but they also demonstrated how quickly sustained maritime combat consumes shipboard weapons.
The Iran campaign has placed additional pressure on the same industrial base. THAAD, Patriot, Standard Missile, Tomahawk, and air-launched weapon inventories all require years of procurement and specialized production. The war has become a test of whether U.S. munitions production can support one major theater without weakening readiness elsewhere.
The Houthis Have Survived Larger Bombing Campaigns
Saudi Arabia led years of military operations in Yemen, and the United States later conducted repeated strikes against Houthi radars, command sites, launchers, and storage facilities. The group retained enough capability to threaten shipping after both campaigns. Iran has supplied weapons, training, intelligence, missile components, and drone technology, according to a Council on Foreign Relations review of the relationship.
The U.S. blockade of Iran could make resupply harder, and Houthi stocks are not unlimited. However, the group does not need continuous control over Bab el-Mandeb. A small number of attacks or credible threats can raise insurance costs and persuade operators to route around Africa. Iran has used the Houthi position near the Red Sea to expand pressure beyond Hormuz.
Saudi Arabia May Keep the United States in a Supporting Role
Saudi Arabia has pledged to protect navigation and has strong reasons to avoid returning to a large war in Yemen. Riyadh could request American intelligence, surveillance, missile defense, or naval support without asking Washington to conduct another extended bombing campaign. That would reduce the immediate U.S. burden but would not remove the need to defend American bases and commercial shipping if the Houthis attack.
The economic stakes extend beyond Saudi oil. The U.S. Energy Information Administration identifies Bab el-Mandeb as a major route for petroleum cargoes moving between the Indian Ocean, Red Sea, Suez Canal, and Mediterranean. Simultaneous pressure at Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb would place both maritime outlets around the Arabian Peninsula under threat.
The United States Needs Priorities Before the Houthis Attack
Washington can keep most forces focused on Iran and rely on Saudi Arabia and partners in the Red Sea. It can shift destroyers and aircraft toward Yemen, reducing the margin available around Hormuz. It can also assemble another coalition, although commercial operators may remain cautious even with escorts. Shipping data around Hormuz already shows that military access does not automatically restore commercial confidence.
The first indicators will be confirmed Houthi attacks, Saudi requests for assistance, changes in U.S. ship locations, and new war-risk insurance restrictions. Until then, the blockade remains a threat rather than a fully enforced closure. The U.S. military still has to plan for defending two distant waterways while continuing operations against Iran.
About the Author: Harry J. Kazianis
Harry J. Kazianis (@Grecianformula) was the former Senior Director of National Security Affairs at the Center for the National Interest (CFTNI), a foreign policy think tank founded by Richard Nixon based in Washington, DC. Harry has over a decade of experience in think tanks and national security publishing. His ideas have been published in the NY Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, CNN, and many other outlets worldwide. He has held positions at CSIS, the Heritage Foundation, the University of Nottingham, and several other institutions related to national security research and studies. He is the former Executive Editor of the National Interest and the Diplomat. He holds a Master's degree focusing on international affairs from Harvard University.
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